RITA ANAND looks at changes in Himalayan forest cover in historical perspective, focusing on the Kaghan Valley in northern Pakistan
A Himalayan plunder
"LARGE parts of Uttarakhand now lie denuded ... the whole region
is turning into a desert. If this trend continues for another 50 years, it will become impossible to save the Himalaya from total collapse," environmental activist Chandi Prasad Batt had said at a public rally in 1980.
One could trace the origin of such prophecies to the '70s with the emergence of the 'theory of Himalayan forest degradation
The theory stated that after the year 1950, the Terai
of the Himalaya had been witness to population explo
people meant an increased demand for fuelwood,
amilt of which was massive deforestation, the other ill effect soil erosion, loss of lands and frequent flooding followed by siltation of the plains.
However some dispute the manner in which the year 1950 is treated as a turning point in the history of Himalayann forest.Udo Schickhoff of the department of geography,
Opemn- of Bonn, Germany, is one who believes that different
Opepons of the Himalaya have undergone deforestation
w ise-Ong lengths of time. Schickhoff s contention is that
valley in Pakistan's upper Himalayan reaches has
a ove. a period of nearly 200 years. He has undertaken
POW"- research by pouring over historical data and con-
muft field work and scientific mapping of the vegetation of the area.
Geoecological research, he convincingly points out, has
mewrated more on the Nepal Himalaya and the Terai
= of India and the results have been indiscriminately
bol so the entire Himalayan region.
The natural vegetation consists mostly of Pinus roxburghi forest higher altitudes, moist temperate forests are founJ.
As& slopes in the sub-alpine belt, the natural vegetation
a ono to Betula utilis forests, but on sunny slopes coniferous are followed by juniper woodlands. Above the tree-line aipene dwarf, scrub heaths and meadows thrive.
Between the 12th and 16th centuries, the western
Himalaya were considered untouched and inexhaustible.
After that, the anarchy and uncertainity of the Durrani and
Sikh rules restricted population growth and the extension of
settlements and agriculture.
It was not until 1847 (the year British administration was
introduced to the area) that the forest cover in this Himalayan
valley began ficing the brunt of commercial exploitation. The
relative peace and political stability in the valley provided the
ideal conditions for the encouragement of trade and agricultural activities. The obvious outcome of increased prosperity
was the increase in the local population.
Sunny slopes were reclaimed for agriculture by setting
them on fire. Forests close to settlements began to degrade
because of intensive grazing. Migratory flocks of birds and
herds increased because agriculture expanded. The growing
demand for timber in the lowlands increased the pressure on
forests. In 1852, the deputy commisioner of Hazara district,
J Abbott, vas ordered to arrange for the floating of Kaghan
timber down the Kunhar river for the extension and supply of
the Indus steam flotilla. The Syeds who formed the rural elite
in Kaghan district raised objections because they were not prepared to share the compensation for the sale of timber with
their labourers, the Gujjars.
The year 1855 was another milestone in the history of
these mountain slopes as it was the year the Syeds were finally
subdued. Hereafter, the area saw the launching of largescale
logging operations. After the suppression of the Indian mutiny
in 1857-58, the roads and railways were extended. Timber was
needed to construct a railway line linking Lahore, Rawalpindi
and Peshawar. The cedar forests were found to contain the
best wood for railway sleepers. The government laid claim on
every cedar tree in the Kaghan valley. The Himalayan forests
began to be felled at a pace which surpassed the decimation
carried out in every other period in history. Timber was also
needed to deck up Murree, a hill station and for the military
base at Abbottabad. All these demands were met by logging
the virgin forests of the Kaghan valley.
Meanwhile, between 1860 and 1870 the area brought
under cultivation increased by nearly 25 to 30
per cent. By 1870, the district gazetteer
declared that "every area of cultivable land is
under the plough." Indeed so vast was the area
of land brought under cultivation during this
period that the increase in arable land between
then and now has been rather marginal.
With the largescale and ruthless exploitation
of the forest cover in this area, matters
went out of hand for the British government.
To restore some sense of order, the
British wanted control over burning, logging
and forest grazing and easy access to timber.
In 1857, all forest areas of Hazare district
became the property of the government.
But local villagers and permit holders were
allowed to cut trees for their personal use and
to apply for permission to plough new land for
cultivation.
In 1864, the Indian Forest Service was established with
Dietrich Brandis as the first inspecter general of forests. The
Indian Forest Act 1865, led to the establishment of a separate
forest department under the government of India. "It was the
consequence of the uncontrolled exploitation of the forests
upto that time" writes Schichoff.
The first conservator of forests in Punjab, J L Stewart,
made strenuous efforts to preserve the cedar forests in the
Himalaya from further exploitation. In 1872, the first
permanent settlement of the district took place. After the
permanent settlement, all public wastelands also came under
the purview and supervision of the civil administration.
According to the Hazara Forest Regulation No I I of 1873,
the forest area within the Kaghan forest division was classified
into government reserved forests (20,000 ha) and public
wastelands (37,000 ha).
In 1879, these wastelands came to be caUed guzara forests.
The forest department took over the management of the
reserved forests. Extensivt silviculture management follow 10
and restrictions on forest use were imposed. But formulatiffg
fore@ laws was one thing and enforcing them quite anoth
The locals were reluctant and opposed to all such measurP
Their traditional usufruct rights were now kept on hold. There
were unending disputes over grazing rights. Harried for 0
officers now wrestled between making local people com
with rules and quelling rebellion.
The classification of forests into restricted forests a
guzara forests increased pressure on the guzara forests
intensified forest degradation. Both the government as
the villagers began nibbling at the guzaras. Deprived of the
traditional rights, the villagers took no interest in sustainable
development. The civil administrators were no experts at I
est management either. Towards the turn of the century,
use pressure increased tremendously because of population
growth. Between 1868 and 1941, the population increased
from 16,000 to 37,000.
Population was concentrated more in lower Kagh
and it was here that the forests became sparser. For
first time, severe landslides and problems of erosion
were reported. About 100 years after their designation,
forest cover of the guzara forests amounted
arec
to only 60 per cent of the original
The reserved forests on the other hand bene
fited from the forest conservancy measurd
In these forests, the forest cover in 1966-67
and 1985 was about 89 per cent and 91 F4
cent respectively. "This is because of actions
taken by the Indian Forest Service", poirc
out Schickhoff. The valley's current cultural
landscape took shape at the turn of the
century. In the period 1901 to 1981, the
population tripled from 3 7,000 to I 10,000.But
settlements along forests began to quielty
encroach upon forest land.
Cultivated terraces began to intrude
into marginal areas and the guzara forever
began to degrade futher. Gradual changes
did take place. Forest margins because
thinner and there was regression into scrul
communities which were resistant to brova
ing. Ground vegetation consisted of weeds arre
this increased the soil erosion. Livestock increased fro%
60,000 heads to 200,000 excluding the large flocks belongj
to the nomadic Gujjars. By 1940, even the reserved fore
were being subjected to exploitation. During World War 11 3
demand for timber increased and natural regeneration could
not keep pace with exploitation. "This was the second era
of massive cutting of Indian forests," points out Schickhoff
Today, just 16 per cent of the Kaghan valley can boast of a
forest cover.
It has taken two centuries for the Kaghan valley to shed its
trees. The population has increased by 40 per cent over the Iast
40 years. In the recent past, it has been observed that the
natives seem to have reverted to cottage industry from agriculture and to part-time agriculture from subsistence farmi1y
Inspite of this, it is proving difficult to drag the environment
into taking a full circle, because what were once lush green
slopes cannot be regreened easily despite serious attempts at
afforestation.
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