Internationally infamous
There is a fast recognition worldwide that incineration is a dirty option and should be grounded
Dioxin scare was responsible for the toppling of the Belgian coalition government in 1999. Milk, eggs, dairy products, pork and beef products exported by Belgium were tainted with dioxin found in animal feed. This was tracked to the waste from pcb oils, illegally disposed of into food oils. The European Commission (EC) initiated proceedings against Belgium for violating European Union rules on consumer protection and information.
Like Belgium, Britain is also being haunted by the ghost of the foot and mouth disease, which spelt terror last year. Britain's Food Standards Agency (FSA) has recently said that dioxins from giant foot and mouth funeral pyres may have contaminated milk in nearby farms. The agency has informed dairy farmers about the possibility of higher levels of dioxins present in dairy herds within two kilometres of the pyres.
The dioxin alarm for the Europeans is getting louder and louder. In May 2000, the European Scientific Committee on Food (SCF) found that 80 per cent of human exposure to dioxins is from food of animal origin such as fish, meat and dairy products. While warning that the current average daily human dietary intake of dioxins in Europe is 1.2-3 pg/kg body weight, and has found high levels of dioxins in seafood in Europe.
These are victims of an ill-fated war fought 30 years back. The war is over but its toxic backlash lingers. One weapon of the war is still wreaking havoc -- Agent Orange, a herbicide containing tetrachlorodibenzo-p-dioxin (tcdd). From 1962 to 1971, the us military aerially sprayed 42 million litres of Agent Orange to deny the communist fighters forest cover. And the nine-year-exercise undertaken then is throwing up its ominous aftermath now. The war has left an ugly heritage for the future of the people of the southern cities of Vietnam, Bien Hoa being a hotspot. The dioxin in the herbicide has seeped into the soil and accumulated in the waterbodies finding its way into the bodies of the residents through their food.
This happened 30 years ago. But last month, an unusual meeting on Agent Orange took place in Hanoi where the us-Vietnamese government scientists met and mutually agreed on a pilot study on screening soil and sediments for dioxins. The us has long tried to sidestep the Agent Orange controversy and even intimated Vietnam in 1978 that if the issue is ever raised, it would have to face economic repurcussions. In fact in 1990, a us Congressional report even found that the Agent Orange study was deliberately blocked by the Ronald Reagan administration. However, the Vietnam veteran groups in the us continued to keep the issue alive.
The recent Hanoi meeting is significant against the backdrop of two path-breaking studies. One, the study by the us Institute of Medicine (iom) which proves that dioxin triggers acute myelogenous leukaemia in Vietnamese children. The other by Arnold Schecter of the University of Texas, who carried out tests on blood samples collected from the people living in Bien Hoa in 1999 and 2000, which reveals that 24 out of 25 village residents had elevated levels of dioxins in blood.
The meeting pleased many. But not Schecter. He points out, " The scientists should screen the blood and food samples rather than merely screening soil and sediments." He adds, "But they are not keen to do so because such a screening would affect both Vietnam and the us. Obviously any evidence of food contamination would hit the seafood and meat exports of Vietnam. For the us, such a proof would mean paying compensation to those who are proven exposed to dioxins and cleaning up the contaminated sites." The war goes on.
Moreover, only those countries that have accepted the agreement on compliance (to be negotiated) can use credits obtained through these mechanisms. Japan and the us were not happy that participation in CDM projects by an industrialised country was made conditional to accepting the compliance agreement.
Defining the meaning of equity in the context of mechanisms, G77 and China pointed out that CDM allows an increase in emissions in industrialised countries and a decrease in developing countries. Therefore, instead of reducing the existing inequities in emissions between developing and industrialised countries, CDM further widens the gap. The agreement asks industrialised countries to undertake domestic action, as per their national circumstances, with a view to reduce emissions in a manner that helps in narrowing per capita differences between the North and the South.
JI and CDM: The agreement does not give a list of eligible projects under the two project-based mechanisms JI and CDM. Instead, the choice of projects is left to the host country, which will decide if a particular project furthers its sustainable development objectives. However, it asks industrialised countries to refrain from pursuing nuclear projects under both mechanisms. Countries like Japan, Canada, Russia and Australia wanted to include nuclear in CDM. The EU and G77 and China were against nuclear under CDM.
The EU did not want sinks under CDM, but a group of industrialised countries wanted to take credits for all types of lulucf projects within CDM. It was finally decided that for the first commitment period, LULUCF projects under CDM would be restricted to afforestation and reforestation projects. Credits from these activities should not exceed one per cent of an industrialised country's emissions in 1990. Negotiations for the second commitment period will decide how these projects will be treated in future commitment periods.
An executive board will supervise implementation of
CDM. This board will be elected at COP-7 to ensure a prompt start for CDM. The board will consist of 10 members: one each from five UN regional groups, one from SIDS, and
two each from industrialised and developing countries. It is also entrusted with the task of developing simplified procedures for specific small-scale projects to facilitate equitable regional distribution of CDM projects. Japan and Australia were not in favour of according preferential treatment to such projects.
Emissions trading: As a safeguard against overselling, it was decided that an industrialised country should keep at least 90 per cent of its assigned amount (the amount of GHGS that a country is allowed to emit under the protocol), or 100 per cent of five times its total ghg emissions in the most recently reviewed inventory, whichever is lower, as reserve. The umbrella group wanted to substitute the present percentage value in both choices by 70 per cent, while the EU and G77 and China wanted it to be as high as 98 per cent.
The second choice of retaining five times a country's emission in the most recent inventory increases the amount of 'hot air' available for selling. During the commitment period, countries like Russia and Ukraine are likely to emit much less than their emissions in 1990. It is highly probable that in their case the second option will be lower. Hence, they will be required to keep a lower amount in reserve resulting in a greater availability of hot air.
A formal complete decision on various aspects of this issue was not possible at Bonn and was forwarded for further consideration and adoption at the next round of formal negotiations in Morocco.
The Kyoto Protocol with the Bonn compromises is even less likely to address the problem of climate change. At best, it has some political worth, in showing the US that the protocol can live without it. "The EU made considerable concessions to get this deal but it was a worthwhile price to pay," said EU environment commissioner Margot Wallstrm. "This is a victory for the multilateral negotiating process. It signals to citizens all over the world that the international community is able and willing to tackle global problems together."