Tharus in Bihar and the voter roll crisis: Does the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) drive amplify the vulnerability of these forest dwellers?

As Bihar undergoes a contentious Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of its electoral rolls, the Tharu community finds itself at a precarious crossroads given the fact that they are residents of border areas and are often mistaken as Nepali nationals (The community is found in Nepal as well).

The SIR, launched on June 25, 2025, by the Election Commission of India (ECI), has sparked widespread concern over the risk of disenfranchisement—especially for marginalised, tribal, and borderland communities like the Tharus.

The SIR aims to “clean” Bihar’s electoral rolls through door-to-door verification. It requires residents to present documentation proving Indian citizenship, particularly if they were born after July 1, 1987 (and more stringently, after July 1, 2004). The initiative is set to run from June 25 to July 25, 2025, with over 8.5 crore (85 million) voters under review.

While the ECI frames this as a necessary measure to eliminate bogus voters, critics—including opposition parties and civil society groups—argue it could lead to mass disenfranchisement, particularly in rural, tribal, and border areas. The Supreme Court recently stepped in, directing that Aadhaar, voter ID (EPIC), and ration cards be considered valid documents—an essential but belated safeguard.

Who are the Tharus?

Tharus are indigenous tribes that are mostly found in the Terai regions of India and Nepal. In India, they are mostly found in the states of Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Believed to be of Tibeto-Burman racial stock, the Tharus of Bihar consider themselves to be from Indo-Aryan stock and trace their origin from the Rajput castes of the Thar desert in Western India. Hence, the name ‘Tharu’. There are others, who claim to be direct descendants of Gautama Buddha and claim the term ‘Tharu’ comes from the Theravada sect of Buddhism. Despite the fact that there exist multiple theories about their origin, Tharus in Bihar are rather distinct from their counterparts in the states of Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Insofar as Nepali Thraus are concerned, they again exhibit cultural traits that are quite distinct from Indian Tharus. In Bihar, they were officially given the status of Scheduled Tribes in 2003 after much political deliberations.

Though they have assimilated, to a great extent, with the mainstream Bhojpuri and Maithil cultures, they have managed to maintain their distinctiveness through their folk art, social and familial structures. Residing mostly in the thickly forested and relatively isolated areas known as the Tharuhat, Tharus are one of the most backward tribes in terms of education, employment and modernisation. Tharuhat has about 300 villages spread around the 900-square kilometre Valmikinagar Tiger Reserve in Bihar’s West Champaran district. Numerically, they are somewhere around 300,000, and their main source of livelihood is minor forest products and subsistence agriculture.

Political awareness among Tharus

Historically wooed by various parties—the Rashtriya Janata Dai, Janata Dal (United), and even the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—the Tharu vote has come to hold sway in constituencies like Valmikinagar. Yet, repeated political U-turns by leaders such as Nitish Kumar have led to growing disillusionment. As development promises go unfulfilled and employment remains scarce, many Tharu voters express frustration, while still treating voting as a civic duty and symbol of dignity. The ECI should avoid the “one size fits all” approach because Tharus are among those communities of Bihar that send maximum number of their people to other states as migrant workers.

In this context, voting is more than a right—it’s a hard-earned recognition in a system that has long ignored their voices. The current revision drive threatens to sideline them from the democratic process.

At the heart of the controversy is documentation. Many Tharu families lack birth certificates or formal proof of citizenship—common among tribal groups with historically poor access to civil registration systems. While Aadhaar is widely held, the original guidelines for SIR did not recognise it as valid proof, exacerbating fears of exclusion.

Further complicating matters is the Tharu community’s geographic location. Living along the India-Nepal border, they are vulnerable to being mischaracterised as ‘foreign nationals’—especially amid political rhetoric about purging non-citizens from the voter rolls. This suspicion, though baseless in most cases, adds another layer of anxiety.

For many Tharus, mobility between villages and seasonal migration for work means they may be absent during the verification window. Without aggressive awareness campaigns and a culturally sensitive approach, these structural issues could translate into thousands of legitimate voters being struck off the rolls. What adds to the already precarious situation of such a marginalised population is the havoc of the monsoons that leaves the entire area inundated for weeks and inaccessible for months. Let’s not forget that the Tharu-dominated areas do not have metallic roads as constructing them is not permissible via the forest reserve area. Insofar as mobile network and computer facilities are concerned, they are as bad as the inhospitable terrain. Thus, expecting them to fill up forms and upload through their mobile phones is utterly oxymoronic.

Politics of disenfranchisement

The SIR drive has become a political flashpoint in Bihar. Leaders from the INDIA bloc have accused the BJP-led central government and the ECI of attempting to suppress votes from communities that traditionally support opposition parties. Tejashwi Yadav, former deputy chief minister, has claimed that the SIR is “targeted disenfranchisement” cloaked in administrative procedure.

While some political opposition is par for the course in an election year, the concerns around the SIR are not baseless. Experts warn that the short timeline, lack of transparency, and reliance on rigid documentation standards can disenfranchise vast numbers—ironically in the name of electoral integrity.

Democracy must include the margins

The electoral roll must be accurate—but not at the cost of democratic participation. For tribal communities like the Tharus, a more inclusive approach is essential. Several steps could make the SIR both effective and just:

•  Document flexibility: Accept Aadhaar, EPIC, and ration cards without bias.

•  Extended deadlines: One month is insufficient for hard-to-reach or migratory populations.

•  Targeted outreach: Use Tharu language mediums and local leaders to build awareness.

•   Focus on infrastructure: The incumbent government should strive towards improving network connectivity by installing better signal receptors in these remote areas.

•    Independent monitoring: Ensure transparency through third-party oversight and grievance redressal mechanisms.

In conclusion

Voting is not just a right—it’s recognition. For Bihar’s Tharu community who have fought invisibility through civic engagement, the current SIR threatens to erase hard-earned legitimacy. While maintaining accurate electoral rolls is important, doing so through exclusionary and opaque procedures risks eroding the very fabric of our democracy.

It is incumbent upon the ECI, civil society, and citizens alike to ensure that no community—especially, those already on the margins—are left voiceless. The democratic process must be inclusive, not selective. And in the case of Bihar’s Tharus, that means safeguarding their vote—because it’s not just a name on a list, but, more importantly, is an individual’s existential credibility to have his/her a voice in building the nation’s future collectively.

Rafia Kazim is an assistant professor of sociology at LNM University, Darbhanga. She has authored Learning the Language of the Infidels.

Views expressed are the author’s own and don’t necessarily reflect those of Down To Earth