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After the 73rd amendment to the Constitution,
Panchayati Raj institutions (
pris) became key agencies in the Indian state's decentralisation scheme. So far, the focus of
panchayati raj has been the village as a whole. This is perhaps because the colonial state -- and also ideologues of our freedom movement -- saw the village as an organic unit for which some amount sectoral planning could be done effectively. But it is important to realise that present-day villages seldom constitute a single unit. Instead, they are divided into a number of dispersed -- and very often socially, politically and economically heterogenous -- hamlets. Even official land records recognise this.
Moreover, contemporary villages usually have large populations ranging between 2000 and 4000. All this affects the functioning of
pris. Normally two or three villages constitute a
gram panchayat. So the g
ram sabha -- which comprises all adult residents of a
gram panchayat's constituent villages -- becomes a very unwieldy body whose meetings do not excite the villagers. They are only attended by the few who stay close to the
sabha's headquarters or are keen about an issue likely to be discussed at a particular meeting. Moreover, many decision-making powers at the
panchayat level have been taken over (informally or practically) by the elected
sarpanch. In fact, on many matters the
sarpanch even has powers to override the
gram panchayats.
There are ways to reduce the s
arpanch's arbitrary powers. For instance, Madhya Pradesh has adopted a system by which this head cannot draw any funds unless it is sanctioned by the
gram sabha. However, the importance of such a check diminishes when people from all wards within a
gram panchayat do not attend
gram sabha meetings. Many states have constituted sectoral or subject matter committees of the
gram sabha (or of the
gram panchayat) but even such meetings are also not well-attended.
Pancha power Grassroots democracy can be better served by devolving powers to the wards (which have populations between 300 and 600). This would also mean an increase in the powers of the
panchas (ward heads). The government of Rajasthan has already introduced the concept of ward
sabha by amending the Rajasthan Panchayati Raj Act. The amendment puts more emphasis on role of
panchas. Kerala and West Bengal also have similar systems in place. Under the system, the
panchas have regular deliberations with inhabitants in their respective wards and then forward their grievances to the s
arpanches or other local-level functionaries.
Devolving powers to the wards would not preclude village-level issues also being collectively deliberated upon by the
gram panchayat or
gram sabha. In fact the small ward
sabha, while facilitating greater participation, may not prove to be a viable planning unit and might not be able to implement some of its proposed activities without the
gram panchayat's help. Thus the ward
panchayat and the
gram panchayat should function in tandem.
It is quite possible that initially some
panchas would be more active than others in organising meetings and getting concerned government functionaries to visit their areas. However, in the long run this would make the other villagers pressurise their
panchs to be more proactive. In fact this would only serve the purpose of
panchayati raj. The basic idea behind grassroots democracy is that people should articulate their requirements and get the system to deliver, while themselves contributing to and participating in the delivery process. If such action is taken at the ward level then the village as a whole stands to benefit. The
panch can emerge as the interface between the people and the
gram panchayat. This does not require any constitutional or major legal change but only a shift of some focus from the village to the ward and from the
sarpanch to the
panch. The real grassroots today is the ward of the
panchayat rather than the larger and more heterogeneous village or the still larger
gram panchayat.
Meenakshi Hooja is chairperson, Rajasthan State Mines and Minerals Jaipur and member international editorial board on global dialogue on federalism in the 21st century. The views expressed in this article are that of the author's own and do not reflect that of the organisations she is affiliated to.