It goes to the credit of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi that as a part of his continual efforts to modernise India, he forced the bureaucracy to take a serious look at the failures of the educational infrastructure. This in itself was a great achievement of the New Education Policy of 1986, and the best strategy adopted was to open up the system to voluntary effort so as to provide room and scope for innovation in the hope that flexibility will lead also to new systems.
Non-formal education (NFE) is an accepted bureaucratic jargon in the ministry of human resources development. But the break with the past has yet to come. Greater importance needs to be given to the NGOs who are working in this field. Proper documentation is the need of the hour and a concise and comprehensive evaluation of their performance has yet to be undertaken. Institutions undertaking non-formal education projects could absorb and benefit from a higher level of funding. The best project executed by the Rajasthan Government has been jointly funded by the Government of India and Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA).
The Rajasthan state government has taken a pragmatic and measured view of the special problems of state schools in poverty-stricken areas where teacher absenteeism is rampant and village responses to the schools apathetic. The blueprint drawn up for the Shiksha Karmi Scheme is almost identical to the Gondi experiment of 1946 in Adilabad. It also has a parallel in the extremely successful strategy devised by Bunker Roy for night schools run by the Tilonia School of Social Work in Rajasthan for school dropouts and children of grazers and peasant families.
In Tilonia, school dropouts who have passed only the eight or 10th grade are employed as barefoot teachers. They are trained to generate social awareness towards the village environment and rural issues amongst the students by involving every possible resource in the village-policepersons, postmaster, nurse, patwari, bank manager, village head who explain how systems work (or do not work) for them.
The Shiksha Karmi scheme has now completed a decade since its inception, covering about 2,000 village primary schools in over 70 blocks spread over 29 districts of Rajasthan. Taken both in terms of economy of investment as well as the spread of beneficiaries, this scheme is far more effective than residential schools would have been for the spread of primary education.
While the Navodaya Vidyalayas have an annual student population of over one lakh students in the whole country, the Shiksha Karmi project benefits about 1,20,000 children in a single state.
In the sphere of non-formal education the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) is the largest and most efficacious example of world-wide fame operating 30,000 non-formal schools, manned by hand-picked teachers (most of them women) who have just passed the eight or 10th grade and are selected from the community and are intensively trained and supervised in their posts.
While BRAC spends more than government on super-vision, the overall expenditure is the same since village resident teachers can be paid less and they also derive satisfaction from the status with which the post is invested. The achievements of the school dropouts in terms of minimum levels of learning are quite remarkable, particularly when these are compared with the standard of instruction and student achievement in the state primary schools often located in the same village.
Quite in contrast to the general feeling in government circles in India that schools need proper infrastructure for optimum functioning, the BRAC schools arc run in thatch huts in one or two rooms rented or offered by locals.
A remarkable experiment has recently been started in USA by a highly motivated young woman, Wendy Kopp.
The Teach for America programme specifically aims at recruiting brilliant undergraduate students who will be motivated to give two years to teaching in the worst and least privileged schools of America. Thus it operates within the existing educational set-up of state schools and seeks to improve them from within, basically by attracting teachers with motivation and a passion to teach.
So far the Teach for America programme has succeeded in placing 3,700 motivated young persons in schools, only because many American states accept non-licensed, untrained teachers.
Do we really need graduate BEd qualification or 12+2 years training for teaching at the primary school level? The Gond Education Scheme, as far back as 1946, demonstrated impressive levels of student achievement which are not being matched by the Shiksha Karmi programme and BRAC. In both cases the teachers selected have not gone beyond class ten. Both schemes operate in a very large area.
All this would only go to prove that a one-time degree in education can be matched, if not bettered, by lesser duration in service training supervision which is ongoing and continuous. Hence, it would be a misrepresentation of either the non-formal BRAC, Shiksha Karmi model or even that of Teach for America to consider it as anti-teacher education. What is being questioned is not the need for teacher training but the conditions under which it is imparted and the exclusivity that has crept into the system.
The fact that the teacher and the teaching profession is a real role model for tribals can be proved. When a humanpower resources survey was undertaken in the Adilabad district in 1977 by the Cultural Research and Training Institute, Hyderabad, tribal students in various boys hostels were asked for career preferences. It emerged that a significant majority of 64 per cent wanted to become teachers, and about 83 per cent hoped for employment in Adilabad district, preferably near their home villages. This is a very strong motivation which we could not encash because of our faulty policies, our emphasis on long duration teachers training, BEd (after graduation) or two years basic teacher's training after plus two.
Arunachal Pradesh started with a policy of employing every matriculate/higher secondary student in the territory either as a teacher or as a village level worker. The absence of the colonial heritage and the special protection accorded these territories under the constitution again worked in their favour.
Due to absence of political clout, the adivasis of other tribal areas could not derive similar benefits in their states, where the infrastructure is dominated by better educated non-tribals who benefit most by recruitment strategies. These districts thus get non-tribal teachers who do not want to teach tribal students. The tribals are willing to learn but cannot come up because the system rejects them and with them, the hope and future of their brethren.
Education for tribal people and remote rural areas will really start looking up when the National Council for Teachers Education and CBSE work out a vocational training course of two years duration, so as to qualify young persons to teach in elementary schools after the plus two exam (12th grade).
In Italy, a course called the School Magistrale gives a four-year elementary teachers training to students who have completed eight years of compulsory schooling. The NCTE or National Council for Teacher Education recognises and plans for a plus-two vocational course for pre-school teachers even though no such course has so far been started. But it is a recognised qualification for pre-school teaching only. During the writer's tenure as Director, Navodaya Vidyalayas, this option was considered and dropped because there would be no job prospects for the students in their home districts. Anganwadis workers in tribal areas and villages get a pittance of Rs 250 which is not a living wage for tribals students who have managed to complete plus two. Hence, while NCTE provides the qualification for job of pre-school teachers, the job market does not exist in the rural areas where the students belong. (This kind of mismatch is true of practically all the vocational courses offered so far at the plus two level).
The 50th year of independence is for us a year of soul-searching and serious evaluation. There is still a great deal to be done for the poorest of the poor whom Mahatma Gandhi never lost sight of, for whom, in fact he wanted the whole structure of government to be tailored. Though we are nowhere near that ideal, significant numbers of educationists, managers and bureaucrats have already moved ahead on new paths in this direction in alliance with dedicated NGOs. The time has come to break out of the colonial mindset and to think, not radically, but pragmatically, to plan with passion and to dare to deviate.
The author is Education Secretary, National Capital Territory of Delhi