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Even as the debate surrounding reservations to women in the Lok Sabha and state legislative assemblies is once again in the spotlight, some serious concerns are being raised: Will the reservation being promised by to-be promulgated legislation truly reach women from all sections equally or whether the benefits will be limited primarily to the affluent and socially empowered.
India has a strong patriarchal political culture. This is clearly evident in Panchayat elections. Reservation for women in Panchayat elections in India came through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act in 1993, which reserved at least 33 per cent (one-third) of seats for women at all levels.
Currently, this reservation has been increased to 50 per cent in more than 20 states, with Bihar leading the way in 2006. India is the only country where more than 1.4 million elected women are actively participating in local self-government institutions (panchayats and municipal bodies). This has, albeit slowly, significantly transformed the status of women.
However, even after 42 years, most women representatives in the country have not been recognised as independent citizens. During most election campaigns, women candidates are promoted as mothers, daughters, or wives. Down to Earth (DTE) observed this clearly during the Haryana Panchayat elections last year. Posters and banners for women candidates invariably featured a photo of their husband, father, or son alongside the woman candidate. In Haryana’s Mewat district, posters didn’t even feature photos of the women, but only the candidate’s name and a photo of the husband or father.
A study titled Gendered Pathways of Power: Women's Political Representation Amid Democratic Backsliding in India, Hungary, and Turkey, published in the journal Women’s Studies International Forum, states that leaders in all three countries have used gender discourse to consolidate power. In the Indian context, the study shows that the current government embraces a Hindu nationalist approach, in which women are revered as “mothers” and “daughters” of the nation, but women leaders are often marginalised in actual politics.
According to this study, women’s legislative representation in India saw a gradual increase between 2010 and 2024. While this increase was gradual and stabilised at around 15.2 per cent, it declined thereafter, falling to around 13.7 per cent by 2024.
According to the study, “a law providing one-third reservation for women in Parliament and state assemblies was passed in 2023, but it has not yet been implemented. Despite this, the share of women in the 2024 elections declined from 15.2 per cent to 13.7 per cent. Although the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party supported this law, it fielded only 16 per cent women candidates in the elections, indicating that women continue to have limited opportunities within the party.”
Women from underprivileged and disadvantaged communities are unable to fully benefit from reservations. Another study, Politics in the Name of Women’s Reservation, states that a major concern is that these reservations may disproportionately benefit wealthy and upper-class women. There are several reasons for this.
Women from affluent classes often have better education, greater access to resources, and greater opportunities for skill development. Furthermore, they already hold a relatively strong position of political and economic influence, allowing them to take greater advantage of reserved positions.
In July 2025, DTE found that the post of sarpanch or village head in Ghazikheri village of Ichhawar tehsil in Madhya Pradesh’s Sehore district was reserved for a woman from a Scheduled Tribe. Sumitra Bai, belonging to a Scheduled Tribe, was elected unopposed. However, the former sarpanch played a key role in Sumitra’s election as sarpanch. He also appointed his wife as deputy sarpanch to ensure he retained power.
In such circumstances, the question remains as to how much the situation can change after women get reservation in the Lok Sabha and the Assemblies.